Strike (Kinostudiya, Imeni M. Gorkogo, 1-ya Goskino Fabrika, Goskino, Proletkult, filmed 1924, released 1925)

by Mark Gabrish Conlan • Copyright © 2026 by Mark Gabrish Conlan • All rights reserved

Last night (Sunday, May 31) my husband Charles and I watched a Turner Classic Movies “Silent Sunday Nights” presentation of Sergei Eisenstein’s first film, Strike (filmed 1924, released 1925). Strike was the one extant Eisenstein film I’d never seen before in any form, and it’s become the stepchild among his politically themed movies of the 1920’s. Eisenstein’s next two films, Battleship Potemkin (1925) and October, a.k.a. Ten Days That Shook the World (1928), are considerably better known today even though Strike is at least their equal, and in some ways considerably more experimental. I suspect that’s because Strike has a grimly unhappy ending – the striking workers are victims of a massacre that kills all, or virtually all, of them – rather than the happy (at least in the context in which all these films were made) ones of Battleship Potemkin (the sailors on other vessels in the Russian Navy refuse to fire on the mutineers of the Potemkin and instead join their cause) or October (the Bolsheviks win the Revolution). TCM “Silent Sunday Nights” host Jacqueline Stewart (an African-American whom I’ve long respected because she proves that you don’t necessarily have to be either white or male to be a film nerd) introduced the film as the most audacious and ground-breaking cinematic debut in film history (the only one I can think of that comes close is Orson Welles’s classic Citizen Kane from 1941). Eisenstein came to this film after having briefly studied architecture and engineering, the latter his father’s profession. In 1918 he left school and joined the Red Army, fighting on the Communist side in Russia’s civil war while his brother Mikhail fought on the opposing White side for the restoration of the Czars. In 1920, after a brief stint in Minsk following the Red Army’s final victory, Eisenstein settled in Moscow and joined the Proletkult (“Proletarian Culture”) theatre.

One of his last Proletkult productions was a play called Gas Masks (1923) which he staged in an actual gas factory, with audience members being required to follow the actors around the factory as they witnessed various scenes. This, plus Eisenstein’s experience making a short film called Glumov’s Diary that was incorporated into the Proletkult’s production of a live play, convinced him that cinema was the right medium for what he wanted to do artistically. (Ironically, before Citizen Kane Orson Welles also directed a short film designed to be shown as part of a live play, William Gillette’s Too Much Johnson.) Eisenstein worked out a number of theories about how to make his movies, including what he called “the montage of attractions.” The French word “montage” originally just meant editing, but it came to mean specifically the rapid-fire style Eisenstein and his Russian colleagues (Dziga Vertov, Veslovod Pudovkin, Alexander Dovzhenko, and others) developed. Set alternately in 1903 and 1912 (I’ve seen sources reference both dates) but definitely before the Revolution, Strike deals with a factory whose workers are being brutally treated by their bosses. Among other ways to keep the workers in line, the bosses have created a force of secret police to watch over them and report whenever any of them start trying to organize a union or do any other thing that might fight back against the bosses’ control. The various secret agents are given the code names of animals – Monkey, Owl, Bulldog, Bear – and Eisenstein intercuts sequences of them with their animal namesakes to show their real natures. The strike is triggered when one of the workers, Yakov Strongin (Mikhail Gomorov) – the only character that actually has a name, Eisenstein and his co-writers (Grigory Alexandrov, Eisenstein’s lifelong assistant and, according to some sources, his Gay lover, along with Ilya Kravchunovsky and Valerian Pletnev) having carried to the max the idea that the characters are supposed to represent class archetypes and we’re not supposed to be concerned about them as individuals – is falsely accused of stealing a micrometer, a measuring device which costs 25 rubles. Knowing that he’ll be docked that amount – three weeks’ pay – for stealing the micrometer, and he won’t be given the chance to prove that he didn’t do it, Strongin commits suicide by hanging himself from one of the belts that move the giant machines that do the factory’s work. (We never find out just what the factory makes, but as with Charlie Chaplin’s 1936 masterpiece Modern Times, we really don’t need to know.)

Another Eisenstein technique that he used in Strike and his other silent films was “typage,” casting people in the principal roles who’d acted either slightly or not at all because they resembled, physically and/or in terms of their work experience, the people they were supposed to be playing. Most of his actors were either actual factory workers or members of his casts at the Proletkult Theatre. At the same time he reached back to American cinema, D. W. Griffith in particular, for the intercuts between the impoverished masses literally hanging on for dear life in the face of starvation and the 1-percenters living it up at a party and indulging themselves on champagne and caviar. Griffith had pioneered both this cinematic technique and the political message behind it in his 1912 short A Corner in Wheat, in which he cut back and forth between the speculators who have “cornered” – monopolized – the wheat market and the ordinary people who are suffering and starving from their actions. Like just about every other Soviet director in the 1920’s, Eisenstein did the same thing here, including heart-rending shots of one of the workers’ children begging his parents futilely for dinner and another tugging helplessly at a samovar (a Russian teapot). The workers have a secret printing press in a basement room of the factory which puts out leaflets urging the locals to support them; the bosses have goon squads and guns, as well as high-tech gadgets like a spy camera. (Charles suspected this was the first time one was ever shown in a film.) The bosses’ hired police use images shot with the spy camera to identify the leader of the workers’ struggle so they can gang up on him and beat him within an inch of his life, while a “woman of the streets” looks on and enjoys the spectacle with sadistic glee. Later on, as the workers’ common-sense demands for decent pay and an eight-hour day are summarily rejected, the bosses hire yet more goons, recruiting them from members of the Russian underground who literally live in holes in the ground. They’re ruled by the so-called “King and Queen of Thieves” (Boris Yurtsev and Yudif Glizer) and they add muscle and firepower to the bosses’ side of the equation.

Ultimately the strike is suppressed after members of the King and Queen of Thieves’ ragtag army burn down a state liquor store and the authorities blame the workers for it. After the workers survive having firehoses turned on them – the workers called the fire brigade hoping they’d put out the fire at the liquor store but instead they got high-powered hoses used as a weapon – the final scene shows members of the Russian military charging at the strikers, who are of course unarmed, and massacring them en masse. Strike is a major movie but also a quite depressing one, and seeing this over 100 years after it was made one of the most saddening things about it is how little the tactics the ruling classes use to repress social action against them and their privileges have changed over the years. I couldn’t watch the scenes of peaceful strikers being hosed down by the police without thinking of the similar scenes in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963, when racist Theophilus Eugene “Bull” Connor ordered fire hoses turned on peaceful civil-rights demonstrators. Martin Luther King, Jr. called Connor “a racist who prided himself on knowing how to handle the Negro and keep him in his ‘place’.” Of course I couldn’t also help but be reminded of the similar tactics used by Donald Trump’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents during their occupation of Minneapolis, Minnesota earlier this year. Strike ends with a title urging audiences to “remember” the abuses strikers and activists in general suffered under the Czars – which is ironic given that the Soviet Union also repressed dissent in many ways similar to the ones in this movie, including summary executions, long stints in the Gulag, and the use of spies to report on any workers who tried to organize against the regime.